Written: 9 August 1932
First Published: The Militant, New York,
Volume V No. 33, No. 129, Saturday, August 13, 1932, New York, NY
Source: Microfilm collection and original bound volumes for The Militant provided by the Holt Labor Library, San Francisco, California. Additional bound volumes from Earl Gilman’s collection, San Francisco, California
Transcription\HTML Markup: Andrew Pollack
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You left the antiwar conference at the Labor Temple last night after your opening speech as the representative of the American Committee for the World Congress Against War.” Allow me to inform you of what transpired after your departure and to put some questions to you.
Two resolutions were presented for consideration—the official (pacifist) resolution presented in the name of your committee, and a different resolution, outlining the Leninist program for the fight against war, presented by the delegation of the Communist Left Opposition (Bolshevik-Leninists).
The floor was then given to a number of speakers who defended the official resolution and attacked the resolution of the Left Opposition. Pacifists, “left” Socialists, official Communists, and others spoke. The leader of the attack on the Leninist resolution, appropriately enough, was 01gm—the same 01gm whom you will remember as the ardent patriot who attacked the Lenin program in 1917-18 from the standpoint of Wilson’s “14 points.” Our request for the floor to defend our resolution and answer the attacks made against it was refused by the chairman.
Was it a prearranged plan on your part to leave the meeting and thus give tacit support to the steamrolling of the Bolshevik-Leninists? Or did you have other engagements more important and more pressing at the moment than the question of the fight against war and the principle of free speech in a movement under your leadership?
I am inclined to the first assumption. And, from a political point of view, your indirect support of the suppression of the Left Opposition at the conference is quite comprehensible. You, and the tendency you represent—pacifism—were indubitably the victors at the conference. In the united front between the Stalinists and the pacifists in the antiwar movement, the Stalinists have yielded the principal positions all along the line, from Paris to New York. The program, the character of the preparatory propaganda, and the leadership are pacifist. In return for these concessions you allow the Stalinists to manipulate the movement organizationally and to suppress the voice of the Left Opposition, which they fear more than anything else. That is what your united front looks like to us.
It must be admitted, again from a political point of view, that you and your fellow-thinkers have made an excellent bargain. We cannot condemn it on those grounds, for we have never put the question of free speech and democracy as the fundamental question. We have stated more than once that we could reconcile ourselves even to bureaucracy if it could be demonstrated that it serves a revolutionary end. It is precisely because the Stalinist bureaucracy works in an opposite direction, because it serves as a blind instrument of reaction, that we oppose it so intransigently.