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3

THE LIBERATOR

EniToR, Max Eastman
MANAGING EDITOR, Crystal Eastman
ASSOCIATE EDITOR, Floyd Dell

Published Monthly by the

LIBERATOR PUBLISHING Co., INC.
34 Union Square East,
New York City

Copyright, t91g, ty the Liberator Publishing Co., Inc.
34 Union Square, New York.
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at Now York City pending

CONTRIBUTING EDITORS

Cornelia Barns Howard Brubaker Hugo Gellert

Arturo Giovannitti Charles T. Hallinan Helen Keller

Art Young

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$1.50 a Year. Half Yearly, 75 cents. Foreign, $2.00.

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Ellen La Motte Robert Minor

John Reed Boardman Robinson Louis Untermeyer Charles W. Wood

N EVER was the moment more auspicious to issue a great magazine of liberty. With the Russian people in the lead, the world is entering upon the experiment of industrial and real democracy. Inspired by Russia, the German people are muttering a revolt that will go farther than its dearest advocates among the Allies dream. The working people of France, of Italy, of England, too, are determined that the end of autocracy in Germany shall be the end of wage-slavery at home. America has extended her hand to the Russians. She will follow in their path. The world is in the rapids. The possibilities of change in this day are beyond all imagination. We must unite our hands and voices to make the end of this war the beginning of an age of freedom and happiness for mankind undreamed by those whose minds comprehend only political and military events. With this ideal THE LIBERATOR comes into being on Lincoln's Birthday, February 12, 1918.

T I IE LIBERATOR will be owned and published by its editors, who will be free in its pages to say what they truly think.

It will fight in the struggle of labor. It will fight for the ownership and control of industry by the workers, and will present vivid and ac-curate news of the labor and socialist movements in all parts of the world.

It will advocate the opening of the land to the people, and urge the immediate taking over by the people of railroads, mines, telegraph and telephone systems, and all public utilities.

It will stand for the complete independence of women-political, social and economic-as an enrichment of the existence of mankind.

It will stand for a revolution in the whole spirit and method of dealing with crime.

It will join all wise men in trying to substitute for our rigid scholastic kind of education a system which has a vivid relation to life.

It will assert the social and political equality of the black and white races, oppose every kind of racial discrimination, and conduct a remorse-less publicity campaign against lynch law.

It will oppose laws preventing the spread of scientific knowledge about birth control.

T HE LIBERATOR will endorse the war aims outlined by the Russian people and ex-pounded by President Wilson   a peace with-out forcible annexations, without punitive indemnities, with free development and self-determination for all peoples. Especially it will support the President in his demand for an in-. ternational union, based upon free seas, free commerce and general disarmament, as the central principle upon which hang all hopes of permanent peace and friendship among nations.

THE LIBERATOR will be distinguished by a complete freedom in art and poetry and fiction and criticism. It will be candid. It will be experimental. It will be hospitable to new thoughts and feelings. It will direct its attack against dogma and rigidity of mind upon what-ever side they are found,   THE EDITOR,

4

Art Young

A Case of Heresy

THE LIBERATOR

Vol. 1, No. 1   March, 1918

Editorials

THUS far the working-class government of Russia has appropriated the banks and the banking system of the country and repudiated the national debt; it has taken possession of the entire mining district; it has declared the munitions factories state property without compensation; it has supported the control of other factories, and their profits, by workingmen's committees; it has decreed the land of Russia to the peoples who work upon it, and the land is now actually held in common by those people. And on this day, January loth, the Marxian premier, Lenine, has suspended and dismissed the democratic parliament as "a relic of Bourgeois society," and declared Russia to be a Socialist republic in which the Congress of delegates from the Workers', Soldiers', and Peasants' Unions is the sovereign power. Thus comes into actual existence that "industrial parliament"-the crowning and extreme hope of the Socialist dream-theory.

.To our American bourgeois newspaper correspondents this all appears rampant disorder and blind mixture of events, defying and denying human intelligence. But to everyone who has read the Communist Manifesto, it is so sublimely ordered and intellectual a performance as to dispel all pessimism of propaganda forever, and raise intelligence and the dissemination of ideas to the highest place in their confidence. Without doubt it is the most momentous event in the history of peoples. And if such an event can be shown to be no accident or mystery, but the orderly maturing and accurate enactment of ideas full-born in a great mind sixty years ago, and cherished and disseminated in the meantime by all those who had strength to believe, then indeed there is hope that intelligence may play its part in every event. Never in ad history before could one so joyfully and confidently enter upon the enterprise of publishing and propagating ideas. Dedicating our admiration to the fearless faith in scientific intelligence of Karl Marx, and our energy to hopes that are even beyond his, we issue THE LIBERATOR into a world whose possibilities of freedom and life for all, are now certainly immeasurable.

Their Utmost Hope

IN his address to Congress on January 8th, President Wilson said: "It is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia to attain their utmost hope of liberty . . ."

He professed to be speaking for the American people, and we hope that he was. He was speaking for us. And we would only wish to add two things to his words before the world. First, that the people of Russia, a vast majority of them comprised in the Left Wing of the Socialist Revolutionaries and the Bolsheviki, have set before themselves a hope of liberty that involves the ownership and control of all land, plants, and machinery by those who work them, and the abolition of profits and wage-dependence altogether. We should like to add in parenthesis after the words, utmost hope of liberty, the words, See the Communist Manifesto.

And then, second, we should like to add for our-selves, that it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way may be opened to awaken in the people of the United States that same "utmost hope of liberty," and that we may be privileged to assist them to attain it.

Attacking the Administration

PRESIDENT WILSON'S administration is under

fire, and the reasons are mixed of many colors, and his opponents are a motley and uncompanionable crew. We have our grievances against the administration. We believe, however, that the heavy guns in this fire are in the hands of the reactionaries, the plutocracy to whom Wilson threw down the challenge two days before his election. Things are always bad for democracy in war time, but we believe they would be worse under the dictatorship of this crew, and little as we like any dictatorship, we do not care to see the President yield.

There are members of the President's cabinet whom we might be willing to see bothered. But the present attack centers upon the Secretary of War. And the Secretary of War is the most pronounced exponent of radical progress in the Administration. Under him the Chief of Ordnance issued, on November 15, General Order No. 13, in which "vigilance is demanded of all those in any way associated with industry, lest the safeguards with which the people of this country have sought to protect labor should be unwisely and unnecessarily broken down," and in which those safe-guards are carefully and emphatically enumerated. It was he who gave the best testimony yet given that this war is in fact a war for a world's peace, by opposing universal military training on the ground that the Ad-ministration hopes it will prove unnecessary in the future organization of the nations.

Our advice to the Administration would be no sur-

render to an attack that centers upon the Secretary of War.

6   THE LIBERATOR

The Russian Dictators

TO many radical-minded Americans the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly by the Workmen's and Soldiers' government in Russia appeared reactionary and outrageous. The Constituent Assembly, they said, was a democratic parliament elected by "the people," and if the people are to be tyrannized over by the Council of Workmen and Soldiers, they might as well be tyrannized over by the Czar-they will have made no advance in real liberty. I think this judgment reveals a failure to understand either the general principles of Socialism or the sequence of concrete events in Russia.

The overthrow by the people of a political and legal tyranny, is not in any sense a social revolution, no matter whether "socialists" play a leading role in it or not. It is a "bourgeois revolution." That is to say, it is a revolution which leaves the capitalistic framework of society unaltered. Land and capital is still in the possession of a propertied class and will remain so, because, no matter how "just" and "democratic" the forms of government, the essential influence and control of government belongs to this class. The revolution which shall attack the economic framework of society, and take the land and capital, and there-with the real, super-political control, away from this class, is a second revolution, far more signal and con-sequential than the first. It is the social revolution.

Now both these revolutions have happened in Russia. The first happened in March and the months fol-Iowing, and the second happened in November and is still happening. And to us who realize that the November revolution-symbolized in the overthrow of Kerensky and the inauguration of Lenine-was a more tremendous, in fact a more revolutionary, event than the overthrow of the Czar, the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly is easy to understand, The Constituent Assembly was a parliament elected under the Bourgeois government, and therefore would be still subject to that super-political control by capital, which is the "king" that the proletarian revolution intends to overthrow. To ask a social-revolutionary government to recognize the parliament summoned and elected under a bourgeois government they have over-thrown, is as unreasonable as it would have been to ask Kerensky's government to recognize the crown council. This is simple and evident fact to those who have learned well the lesson of Marx-who have learned to think of liberty and right and revolution in economic rather than political terms.

This is all rather theoretical, but theory is essential to the understanding of Russia today, for thinking men set free from the reliable old motives of tradition and good business are in power-thinking men, and men trained in a rather dogmatic system of thought. Nevertheless the matter might he put somewhat more simply. The Constituent Assembly was summoned and elected before Kerensky's government was overthrown. There-fore if we "accept" the overthrow of Kerensky's government. we must "accent" the dispersal of the Constituent

Assembly; for in a time of flux and confusion when only a few leaders fully understand what is going on, it is al-ways certain enough that the party in power will get its own majority elected. The extent of the majority against the Bolsheviki was perhaps a surprise, and may have some special cause that we cannot guess, but the existence of that majority, and the absolute necessity of ignoring the Assembly, could have been predicted by anyone of ordinary political common sense. A point of more importance to the future of the world is that, instead of calling another Constituent Assembly and seeking in these old ways a majority of their own, the Lenine Government has declared for a new jurisprudence, in which Constituent Assemblies territorially elected are no longer necessary, but industrial and farmers' unions constitute the sovereign power, that will proceed with the expropriation of the capitalist and landlord and the establishment of economic or real democracy.

It is never "the people" who will accomplish this-Lenine has been warned against the concept of "the people" in his Bible of Karl Marx from the beginning. It is the working-class who will accomplish it, and they will accomplish it, if they can, by establishing a dictator-ship, overt and uncompromising. The truth is that only after a general transfer of land and factories to the workers is accomplished, so that substantially all the people have become workers, and the super-political influence of a capitalist class is removed, can an appeal to the people really be an appeal to the people. Only then does the formal justice and democracy of a popular vote be-come materially just and democratic. And this delving under the forms of law and politics to the economic materials of right and liberty, is the essence of socialist thinking. If the American moralistic democrat cannot grasp this, he will do well to suspend his judgment and watch it-for it will continue to the end with little bother whether he cries "Dictator ! Anarchy! Traitor to the people !" or not.

Charles M. Schwab

SOMETIMES a man who has performed deeds retains enough imagination to know that deeds can be per-formed. And to this fact I owe the privilege of quoting the President of the Bethlehem Steel Corporation in support of the above prophecy. Mr. Schwab was speaking at an alumni dinner in New York :

"We are facing another social situation," he said, "which we should be keenly alive to, a situation which is going to come at the close of the war, a `social renaissance' of the whole world. Call it socialism, social revolution, bolshevism, or what you will, it is a levelling process, and means that the workman without property, who labors with his hands, is going to be the man who will dominate the world. It is going to be a great hardship to the owners of property, but like all revolutionary movements, it will probably work good. The sooner we realize this, the better it will he for America."

March, 1918   7

The Triumph of Karl Marx

A Militant Suffrage Victory

F OR a long time there have been two kinds of suffragist in the United States-the patient persuader who depended on educational methods and could not play the political game even in demanding admission into politics, and the militant idealist with a certain hardness of grain that enabled her to see and meet the facts of human nature as a political fighter must. I suspect that the leaders of the suffrage movement have always been of the latter kind-Mary Wollstonecraft, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Anna Howard Shaw. Any of them   in their own day of new leadership-would have taken the position that the Congressional Union and the Woman's Party took, and forced the federal amendment through Congress by means of party politics. That is, if they had had enough votes in the separate states to do it, they would have quit offering prayers to individual "friendly" congressmen, and gone out into the country to fight the whole party in power that failed to pass their amendment. That was what Alice Paul and her associates did, and in the passage of the amendment by the

House on January 8th, they won a victory which was very definitely their own. I quote, in proof that this is not merely a private opinion, a press-dispatch from the New York Times:

"Democratic Congressmen from suffrage States became alarmed over the situation. They feared that if the resolution were defeated by Democratic votes women who possessed the voting franchise would go over its droves to Republican candidates in the Congressional elections next November. The agitation among the Democrats became so marked that their leaders felt that some action should be taken to counteract the effect in the political campaign this year of the charge that the Democratic Party was responsible for keeping women from expressing their preference at the polls. It was said that women in New York State were preparing to vote against Democratic candidates for Congress because of their opposition to the suffrage ConstitutionaL amendment."

Never was the superior strength of those idealists whose heads are hard enough to meet facts, more unqualifiedly proven than in this victory. I look to Alice Paul and her young army of militants as one of the three leading radical forces in American politics in the near future. The Non-Partisan League, the Socialist Party, the Woman's Party-those are three powers that may sweep this country clear for liberty sooner than any republican or democratic politician imagines.

8   THE LIBERATOR

Art In the War

WHEN war began there were prophets who declared it would be the end of pagan and realistic art. It would open a new era-an era of mystic superstition and romantic nationalism. John Masefield is still saying that when the war ends people will "turn to the romantic, the fantastic, the beautiful."

No doubt they will play. And I hope they will play with all their hearts, and so create beauty. But it is good to feel sure that they will not lose that liberation of intelligence into adventurous contact with reality, which characterized what was youthful in art before the war. And I do feel sure since I read the book of Henri Barbusse*-the only work of magnificent art that has been born in the war. It is a book whose sentences surpass Dante in brief and livid intensity ; and it carries you through war as Dante never carried you through Hell. This book of genius belongs to an era in which truth of reality overrides every other instinct and ideal of man, save one-and that the ideal of international democracy founded upon clear thinking and the death of superstitious religion.

A World's Peace

AS an international socialist, I welcomed President Wilson's "Program of The World's Peace" in his message to Congress of January 8th. It seemed an earnest approach to a basis upon which peace negotiations could be demanded by the peoples, not. of the Allied countries only, but of Germany and Austria too. The fourteen articles of his program recognize and endeavor to solve the principal problems raised by a general application of the people's formula of peace without forcible annexations, or punitive indemnities, and with self-determination for all nationalities. For this reason these articles ought to he read and pondered by every citizen of the world.

I.-open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

In developing this it will be important to add a statement that all previous private international understandings shall be annulled or made public. The United States might certify its good faith by making public the whole of its recent understanding with Japan concerning China

e., by defining before the public the exact nature of the "special Japanese interests" in China referred to in that understanding. She might further certify her intention to recognize the rights of all nations equally, by acknowledging the protest of China herself against that understanding, and consulting her as to its future validity.

IL-Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

•"Le Feu," vividly translated, with the title "Under Fire," and published by E. P. Dutton & Co. $r.5n net.

This article reiterates the meaning of the Declaration of London, signed in 1909, and ratified by the parliaments of the powers, including Germany and the United States, except England. Since the war England has declared the Declaration of London null and void, and al-though Lord Lansdowne suggested some such article as essential to peace negotiations, the question was not alluded to in the speech of Lloyd George on war aims (January 5, 1918), nor in the peace terms proposed by the British Labor Party. The British Labor Party did, however, expressly endorse it in announcing their accord with President Wilson's program, while Lloyd George in a subsequent speech to the trade unions expressly repudiated it.

Some recognition, strictly limited, of the peculiar position of England-her absolute dependence upon navigation for life-would have to be made in the final draft of such an agreement, though I can not imagine what form it might take.

III.'--The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

This we may interpret not only as renouncing economic war on Germany, but also as supporting the British Labor Party in its demand that customs duties be "limited strictly to revenue purposes." It means, "so far as possible," free-trade and the principle of the open door everywhere, and is almost an indispensable element in the foundation for a League of Nations.

TV.-Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will reduce to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

Let us assume. that "domestic safety" does not mean the suppression by the national or state militia, of strikes and other movements of the people of America toward their economic freedom; and then endorse this clause fervently. In moving toward greater precision, it might follow either of two courses:

(I) The manufacture of national armaments, ex-

cept so far as necessary for domestic safety,

shall cease in all countries forthwith, or

(2) There shall be concerted, progressive and pro-

portionate reduction of armaments to the point

of complete disarmament on land and sea.

In any case this article must imply the immediate sus-pension in all countries of universal military training, compulsory service, and the private manufacture of arms.

V.-Free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the population concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the Government whose title is to be determined.

It appears that the President means by "all colonial claims," not only those that the war has brought into dispute, but all colonial claims whatever. We may assume that he would extend this principle to India, the Middle East, and the British colonies in Africa, as the British Labor Party has recently done, if not also to Ireland. And it might add conviction if he had signified

March, 1918

our willingness to extend it to the Philippines, Nicaraugua, Haiti, etc. We cannot but regret that the President did not stress the principle of self-determination for the peoples of these colonies, as the British Labor Party did, instead of declaring that their interests should have "equal weight" with the claims of some government possessing a "title" to them.

All these questions, however, and the question of what a colony is, the differentiation between colonies, do-minions, protectorates, naval bases, and the determination of the claims of each, furnish matter for discussion and legislation which might occupy an international congress for a long period after the immediate settlement, and thus lay a natural foundation for the world government which alone can permanently eliminate war.

As an alternative, in case this reappraisement of all colonial claims proves impossible, we might endorse the peace terms proposed by the government of Russia-"The restitution to Germany of all her colonies."

Vi.---The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good-will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.

To this article nothing could be added but praise.

VII.-Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and re-stored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.

To this article also nothing can be added-save a question as to its exact meaning. In English the word restore may mean give back, and it may mean rebuild; what it will mean by the time it gets translated into German, Bulgarian or Turkish, is not an unimportant question. For my part I should expect it to mean rebuild with regard to Belgium, for Belgium is spoken of in a different paragraph and a different voice from the other invaded nations. But if it means rebuild with regard to Northern France, Serbia, Rumania, and Montenegro, I am compelled to think it is a demand advanced with a view to modification at the council table. No nation will be in a position to pay vast indemnities, and this fact was recognized in the proposal of the Kerensky government that the devastated territories should be rebuilt through a fund contributed to by all the belligerent countries in proportion to the amount that each had spent in waging war. This would entail Germany's paying a great deal into the fund and receiving little out of it, and yet not raise the insurmountable obstacle of a decision as to who is to blame for the war. It seems to me, like most of the Russian proposals, to have been as astute as it was just.

VIII.-All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 187! in the matter

of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.   -

As an approach to a settlement, it seems to me a fault in the President's statement that he makes no allusion to the territory of the Central Empires occupied by the Allies, either to its restitution or its restoration. Unless the principle of restoration by the invader is adopted here, I can see no reason why it should be adopted in other territory belonging to the belligerents. And so again I think the ambiguity might be removed and the problems solved by the Russian principle of restoration through an international fund.

As to Alsace Lorraine, I think most internationalists will endorse the President's words, but emphatically declare for the method of righting the wrong of 1871 suggested by the French Socialists, and the British Labor Party, and doubtless implied by Lloyd George in his demand for a "reconsideration" of that question-i.e., that the people of Alsace and Loraine "be allowed under the protection of the Super-National Authority, or League of Nations, freely to decide what shall be their future political position."

IX.-A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.   -

Perhaps without tearing down buildings and divorcing. happy couples, it would not actually be possible to find, or construct, clearly recognizable lines of nationality in that part of the world; but it might be possible, in negotiating upon this article, to agree upon a definition of all the territories legitimately in dispute between Austria and Italy, and then apply to them, each or all, the principle of self-determination under the protection of the League of Nations. This would provide a way in which "lines of nationality" might in fact become "clearly recognizable."

X.-The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development,

This is difficult to reconcile with the emphatic language of the speech of December 4th. "We owe it to ourselves to say that we do not wish in any way to impair or to rearrange the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It is no affair of ours what they do with their own life either industrially or politically. We do not purpose or desire to dictate to them in any way. We only desire to see that their affairs are left in their own hands, in all matters, great or small."

The change was perhaps dictated by some special in-formation. At least the present statement appears to be an invitation to the peoples of Austria-Hungary to make peace, and the former one rather a guarantee offered to its government.

XI.-Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan States to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into.

IO   THE LIBERATOR

Again the ambiguity could be removed and the end attained by saying "restored from an international fund." And might there not be added to this article a recommendation of the President in a former message to Congress, that each country should have freedom of transportation over any other country to any sea-port?

XII.-The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

The question under what empire these "other nationalities" shall be autonomous, is unanswered, and that is perhaps the principal question at issue between Germany and Great Britain.

With the opening of the Dardanelles under international guarantees, should there not be coupled the similar opening of the Suez and Panama canals, the Straits of Gibraltar, and all similar channels the world over? This has been suggested by the government of Russia, and would, more than any other one thing, assure the people of Germany that we mean "a world's peace" when we say so, and not an Allies' peace.

XIIL-An independent Polish State should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic indepesdence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

My attention has been called to the fact that this article does not demand a "United Poland," composed of all territories that are claimed by the Poles upon historic ground. The "territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations" excludes most, if not all, of German Poland;

it also excludes Lithuania, Courland and parts of Ukraine and inner Russia claimed by certain Polish irredentists. A free access to the sea through Danzig can be secured by "international guarantees," even though Danzig remains under German sovereignty.

XIV.-A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike.

Upon this proposal rests the possibility of many of the others, and the effectiveness of them all in securing permanent peace to the world. The British Labor Party has carried the proposal into bolder detail:

"There should be forthwith established a supernational authority, or League of Nations, which should not only be adhered to by all the present belligerents, but which every other independent sovereign state in the world should be pressed to join; the immediate establishment by such League of Nations not only of an International High Court for the settlement of all disputes between states that are of justiciable nature, but also of appropriate machinery for prompt and effective mediation of all disputes at issue that are not justiciable; the formation of an International Legislature, in which the representatives of every civilized state would have their allotted share; the gradual development, as far as may prove to be possible, of international legislation agreed to by and definitely binding upon the several states, and for a solemn agreement and pledge by all states that every issue between any two or, more of them shall be submitted for settlement as aforesaid, and that they will all make common cause against any state which fails to adhere to this agreement."

This proposal-twelve months ago so utopian-has been subscribed to officially in some form by every one of the great governments at war. Even the Bolshevikialthough absorbed in matters of more direct bearing upon human freedom-have spoken for a federated republic of Europe. If the world falls into peace, exhausted, without having accomplished this, it will be a sad peace-.a peace without victory indeed.