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Cornelia Barns Howard Brubaker K. R. Chamberlain Hugo Gellert Arturo Giovannitti Charles T. Hallinan Helen Keller

Ellen La Motte Robert Minor

John Reed Boardman Robinson Louis Untermeyer Charles W. Wood Art Young

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THE LIBERATOR

EDITOR, Max Eastman
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Attend the Autumn Conference of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society

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August Number: Will Levington Comfort, Padraic Coluni, E. B. berm, Irwin Granich.

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A NOTE ON ADVERTISING

After all, advertising is a queer sort of a game. Much of it is like sinking your money in a bottomless pit; at best, it is a gamble. That is why we have been so glad to learn that in a great many cases advertising in The Liberator with its 30,000 readers has been of real substantial value.

Read these two letters:

"It may interest you to know that while some of the mediums we used have circulations far more extensive than that of THE LIBERATOR,, and consequently have far higher advertising rates, your paper, however, tops the list for quantity and quality of the answers received.

" C. C. Coie NE, Secretary,

" Greater New York Esperanto Society."

"After five months' experience of advertising in THE LIBERATOR, it is a pleasure to let you know my opinion of your paper as a medium. My intention in this advertising at first was merely to connect Mrs. Holley's new idea of dress with the movement of justifiable, evolutionary radicalism which THE LIBERATOR represents.

"But not many weeks passed before we hegan to have practical results in the way of orders, and our experience ever since has been that the wide-awake man and woman in every profession and class is apt to lie a reader of THE LIBERATOR.

" HORACE HOLLEY, Manager."

The Rand School of Social Science, The Teachers' Union, the Fellowship Press and others, to whom we have put the question, " Does it pay to advertise in The Liberator?" readily answer, " Yes."

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4 THE LIJ3ERATOR

Our Modern Canute: "Back Tides !"

THE LIBERATOR

Vol. 1, No. 7 September, 1918

Editorial

The most wise and final comment we can make on the Russian situation is made for us in the "New Republic," by Arthur Ransome in his " Open Letter to the American People." We publish his conclusion.

F ROM the moment of the October revolution on, the best illustration of the fact that the Soviet government is the natural government of the Russian people, and has deep roots in the whole of the conscious responsible part of the working classes and the peasantry, has been the attitude of the defeated minorities who oppose it. Whereas the Bolsheviks worked steadily in the Soviets when the majority was against them, and made their final move for power only when assured that they had an overwhelming majority in the Soviets behind them, their opponents see their best hope of regaining power not in the Soviets, not even in Russia itself, but in some extraordinary intervention from with-out. By asking for foreign help against the Soviet government they prove that such help should not be given, and that they do not deserve it. The Soviet has stood for six months and more, absolutely unshaken by any movement against it inside Russia. In the Ukraine the anti-Soviet minority asked for intervention and received it. German bayonets, German organization, destroyed the Soviets of the Ukraine, and then destroyed the mock government that had invited their help. We, the Allies, supported that anti-Soviet minority, and, in so far as our help was efficacious, contributed our share in obtaining for Germany a victorious progress from one end of the Black Sea coast to the other. . . . In Finland we repeated the mistake. . . . Do not let us make the same mistake in Russia. If the Allies lend help to any minority that cannot overturn the Soviets without their help, they will be imposing on free Russia a government which will be in perpetual need of external help, and will, for simple reasons of geography, be bound to take that help from Germany. Remember that for the German autocracy, conscious of the socialistic mass beneath it, the mere existence of the Soviet government of Russia is a serious danger. Remember that any non-Soviet government in Russia would be welcomed by Germany and, reciprocally, could not but regard Germany as its protector. Re-member that the revolutionary movement in Eastern Europe, no less than the American and British Navies, is an integral part of the Allied blockade of the Central Empires. . . . Remember all these things, if indeed you need, as I think

you do not need, such selfish motives to prompt you to the support of men who, if they fail, will fail only from having hoped too much. Every true man is in some sort, until his youth dies and his eyes harden, the potential builder of a New Jerusalem. At some time or other, every one of us has dreamed of laying his brick in such work. And even if this thing that is being builded here with tears and blood is not the golden city that we ourselves have dreamed, it is still a thing to the sympathetic understanding of which each one of us is bound by whatever he owes to his own youth

Well, writing at a speed to break my pen, and with the knowledge that in a few hours the man leaves Moscow who is to carry this letter with him to America, I have failed to say much that I would have said. . . . I ask only that men shall look through the fog of libel that surrounds the Bolsheviks and see that the ideal for which they are struggling, in the only way in which they can struggle, is among those lights which every man of young and honest heart sees before him somewhere on the road, and not among those other lights from which he resolutely turns away. These men who have made the Soviet government in Russia, if they must fail, will fail with clean shields and clean hearts, having striven for an ideal which will live beyond them. Even if they fail, they will none the less have written a page of history more daring than any other which I can remember in the story of the human race. They are writing it amid showers of mud from all the meaner spirits in their country, in yours and in my own. But, when the thing is over, and their enemies have triumphed, the mud will vanish like black magic at noon, and that page will be as white as the snows of Russia, and the writing on it as bright as the gold domes that I used to see glittering in the sun when I looked from my windows in Petrograd.

And when in after years men read that page they will judge your country and mine, your race and mine, by the help or hindrance they gave to the writing of it.

ARTHUR RANSOME.

Important News

O N July 13 Arthur Henderson announced that the Inter. Allied Socialist and Labor War-Aims Memorandum had in June finally reached the Socialists of the enemy countries and that four replies had been received, as follows :

" The first reply came from the Bulgarian Socialists, who accepted practically all the general points of our

6 THE LIBERATOR

memorandum, reserving some unimportant points regarding Macedonia.

"The second reply came from the Hungarian workers, who have submitted to the Stockholm committee a statement of policy much on the lines of our memorandum.

" The third reply came from the Austrian Socialists, who accepted the principles of the inter-Allied memorandum as a basis for discussion. They indorsed our conception of a federal system for Austria-Hungary and a similar system for the Balkan states.

" They declared that they had always repudiated the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty, and they agreed that Alsace-Lorraine and Italian, Polish and colonial questions must be solved in accordance with the desires of the peoples concerned.

" The fourth reply came from the German minority Socialists, who submitted a statement to the Stockholm committee on the lines of the inter-Allied memorandum.

" The fifth, and the most significant, reply came from the German majority Socialists, who endeavored to send it by Troelstra, hut the action of the Allies in refusing passports to Troelstra prevented the written document from reaching us. Nevertheless, we received a summary which shows that the German majority Socialists declared their willingness to take part in an international conversation on the basis of the proposals made by the neutral Socialists.

" It also seems clear that the German majority Socialists accept virtually all the principles of the inter-Allied memorandum. They are ready to discuss even the question of the responsibility for the war, although they think that no good purpose would be served there-by. They are ready to discuss Belgium and Alsace-Lorraine and believe that an amicable solution can be found. They agree to a complete restoration of Belgian independence. They urge that an international conference would be very useful at this time and, finally, they declare themselves in favor of a league of nations to prevent aggression by one power upon another."'

Phis seems to us the most important word that has come out of the enemy countries since the Reichstag Peace Resolution on July 19, 1917, calling for a peace of " reconciliation " without " forced acquisitions of territory," without " politicaI, economic or financial violations."

The right of contact with enemy Socialists is coming to be the united demand of the Socialist parties of all nations involved in the war. The French Socialists have apparently made it the price of their continued support of the war. According to the New York Times, the French Socialist Party, in national congress on July 30th, resolved to use every means, even a refusal to vote war appropriations, in order to force the government to issue passports to Socialist delegates who wish to attend the proposed international conference.

The endorsement of such a conference, which looks more definitely than any other policy towards a working-class peace, will doubtless be the crucial plank in the Congressional platform of the American Socialist Party.

t From the New York Times, July 14, 1018,

Easy Come; Easy Go

T HOSE army officers who rounded up and arrested a lot of privates for not saluting on the crowded streets of Washington must have had one phase of their education neglected. The Committee on Public Information might write them a letter explaining what the war is about.

The enemy is disgusted with the military ignorance of the American prisoners who give only evasive and sarcastic answers to questions if not deliberately misleading. The Teutonic sense of humor is another thing that, happily, is not contag